Battle of Moslavina - 1562

Battle of Moslavina

On March 10, 1562, Zrinski learns from captured Turks that Arslan-bey (Yahyapasha-zade), the governor of Pozega, received orders to build two fortifications; at Moslavina on the Drava and near the village of Sveti Gjura (Saint George) and also received money to pay for soldiers to man the fortifications.  The Ottoman objective is to block the Drava River and prevent soldiers from Sziget raiding the river traffic, taking supplies and taxing lands downriver. On March 13 Zrinski writes to Palatine Nadasdy that Arslan-bey has gathered the agas and commanders from the neighboring regions at Osijek and from there they will move to Valpovo.  After assembling a large army and conscripting a great multitude of rajah (peasants) from Bosna and Turkish held lands in Croatia and Slavonia Arslan begins to move on his goals. While the rajah are taken to the designated places in Moslavina region to build the fortifications under the command of the Turkish engineers Arslan goes with his army to the Drava River to stand in the way of the Christians in case they attempt to harass his people in their work.

Reports quickly arrive to Zrinski that Arslan is on the Drava.  Zrinski well understands how dangerous it will be if the Turks complete their plans and get a foothold in the area.  He immediately moves to stop the work and prevent the construction of the fortifications on the Drava. On March 17 he sends a report to Maximilian about Arslan’s actions.  After making arrangements with his brother-in-law Franjo Tahi he calls upon Farkas Perneszy commander of Babocsa to bring his soldiers, cannons and the Szenyér guard of which Zrinski is particularly fond. 

On March 25, from Siget, Zrinski marches to Szent-Márton (Felsőszentmárton) on the Drava where the army has assembled.  There are 1,000 cavalry, 2,000 infantry some with muskets and 500 of the Szenyér guard. The army stealthily crosses the Drava River.  After the crossing, the troop is divided into three parts;  Zrinski entrusts the center, in which there are 400 cavalry, to Tahi and also lends him his horse Cifra. The rest of the army divides into two parts; the left wing under command of Farkas Perneszy and the right under Zrinski. 

On March 26, early in the morning, They march east hoping to catch Arslan by surprise in his camp but that is not to be because Arslan placed a cavalry guard to watch the area. The guard sees the advancing army and quickly rides to inform Arslan-bey, with whom is Mehmet-bey son of Murat-bey. The cavalry does not give chase because Zrinski is uncertain of enemy troop levels in the area and does not want to leave the infantry and artillery unprotected. 

Arslan is shocked when he learns a sizable army, led by Nikola Zrinski, is moving towards his camp. There is no doubt that he had under his command an army that was much larger than the enemy army moving towards him but Arslan’s spirit faltered.  He knows much heroic blood will be spilled in this battle and he chooses not to enter battle with Zrinski.  Just before Zrinski’s army arrives Arslan flees with a guard of 50 cavalry.  Zrinski’s cavalry sees him and pursues.  In the fast chase across the hills Arslan’s horse breaks both back legs and falls. In the heat of the moment Arslan abandons the horse and everything on it including the expensive saddle and weapons. He takes the horse of one of his soldiers and continues to flee.  Zrinski’s cavalry chases Arslan to St George’s, a place two Hungarian miles from Valpovo, but the horses can’t go further because they are tired from the morning march.

Note: Croatian historian Matija Mesic wrote in 1866 a slightly different account saying that that “The two armies stood in battle formation, one against the other, and it was already imagined that in an instant much heroic blood would be spilled, but as ours approached closer to face the enemy the Turks began to flee.”

Leaderless the Turkish army runs in chaotic terror ignoring their expensive tents and the impressive military equipment left in their camp. Zrinski’s army attacks the fleeing Ottomans killing some and taking some prisoner.

Zrinski’s cavalry returns to the camp where a great deal of work has already been completed on the fortifications.   The foundations are destroyed, holes and ditches filled and lumber all burned. When the fortifications are no more the army, healthy and whole, marches to the Drava and returns home in glorious victory carrying two Turkish banners, prisoners and booty. The entire Turkish camp, with all supplies and equipment, come into the hands of Zrinski’s soldiers. Among the items left behind are two small cannons, two mortars and 16 heavy mounted muskets that were destined for Arslan’s new fortifications.  All booty was taken to Siget with some things divided amongst the soldiers and weapons placed into the fortress armory.  News spreads and the Croatian and Hungarian soldiers in the frontier have a great morale boost.

On March 31, Zrinski writes a report to Maximilian detailing the battle and closes by saying that he will send the Turkish banners, prisoners and some of the conscripted peasants to Vienna so that Maximilian can learn the details of Arslan’s endeavors.  Zrinski tells Maximilian to believe that as a result of this battle and the defeat given to Arslan-bey, great fear has set into the Turks in the Slavonia region that if new imperial units arrive here they could do much good for the emperor and his kingdom. Zrinski asks for 200 German or Hungarian soldiers to strengthen Sziget.

As soon as the neighboring sanjak-beys learn of what happened at Moslavina they immediately, in mid-June, go to help Arslan-bey rebuild the burned villages, repair the damages at Podravina and fortify Moslavina. To avenge the defeat the Turks make two attacks from Kostajnica and Novigrad going as far as Kladuša and Bović while one troop crosses north of the Sava and attacks all the way to Ludbreg.  For aging Suleiman this provided a challenge (obstacle) but it did not stop his westward expansion nor would he forget this provocation.  Despite this incident a short while later Ferdinand’s amabassador Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq negotiates an 8-year peace by which Ferdinand pays Suleiman a tribute for his share of Hungary.  Unfortunately, for the soldiers in the borderland frontier, there is little peace.

Why did Arslan run in such panic?  No sources tell us why Arslan and the Turks were struck by such fear that they did not even try to enter the field of battle. Nothing remains but to say that either Zrinski so skillfully (cleverly) arranged his army or the Turks were very much caught off guard by the surprise and they saw a great defeat in front of them or maybe the Turkish army lost all its courage because it saw in front of itself an opposing army with a commander whose name, from the time of the defeat at Babocsa (1556), struck fear when spoken among the Turks. One or the other the Turks did not even try to take a chance on their luck in battle.

Even after this embarrassing defeat Arslan-bey, had a good relationship with grand vizier Semiz Ali pasha and was appointed the beylerbey (governor) of Buda, the second most important position in Rumelia, in the spring of 1565.

Even after a bitter feud in 1559 between Arslan-bey (of Székesfehérvár) and Veli-bey (of Hatwan) the pashas of the Divan sided with Arslan and Veli-bey was sent to prison to do penance for several months.

Istvanfi page 257.

Vitezović mentions the event only in a few words. 

Sourves include: Croatian historians Matija Mesic, Ive Mazuranic and Vjekoslav Klaic

Source Barabas #29

CCCXCVI.

The letter Zrinski sent to Maximilian

Serenissime princeps etc.

Antea quoque significavi serenissimae maiestati vestrae, qualiter Arzlam beg zansak in Posega coadiunctis undiquaque copiis fortalitium in Monozlo erigere proposuerat. Ad faciendum igitur irritum propositum praefati Arzlam begi requisiveram opem cum domini palatini tum etiam domini Ioannis Lenkovich; quid autem causae ipsi praetenderint, serenissima maiestas vestra iam pridem clementer intelligere potuit. Cum vero intellexissem dictum Arzlam begum destinatum opus iam erigere inchoasse, consideratis imprimis pernicie istius labantis regni, tandem debitam meam fidelitatem, postmodum quoque detrimentum ac iacturam notabilem, quae Castro huic serenissimae maiestatis vestrae imminere in dies ex eo possent, Deo duce ac fortuna eiusdem, beneficio vero ac praesidio domini Francisci de Tah ac domini Wolfgangi Pernezy, qui mecum personaliter adfuerunt, similiter quoque ope circiter quinquaginta equitum domini palatini, qui ex Zenyer eo advenerant, vigesima quinta die praesentis mensis Mártii ad vadum Martynzy vocatum cum hisce militibus serenissimae maiestatis vestrae perveni ibique simul iuncti Dravum traiecimus, sequenti vero mane arripuimus recta versus Monozlo iter volentes saepedictum Arzlan begum quasi in castris ex improviso opprimere. Id tamen non successit nobis, quandoquidem ipse certum numerum equitum uno milliari itineris a castris suis pro excubiis posuerat, qui ubi nos animadvertissent, id statim praecipiti cursu significarunt Arzlan bego, cui quoque adiunctus erat Mehmeth begh filius Murath begi, quos licet noster equestris exercitus insequi potuisset, sed non videbatur tutum pedestrem exercitum cum tormentis bellicis nondum exploratis viribus adversarii post terga relinquere.

Itaque festino gradu proficiscebamur versus Monozlo, ubi eo perventum erat ac non invento Arzlan bego in castris, iam enim saltem paululum inde concesserat, quem ubi anterius agmen nostrum terga dantem conspexerat, e vestigio eum insecuti sumus sequentibus nos tormentis bellicis ac pedestri exercitu, qui citissima fuga arrepta dispersis undiquaque copiis suis per aftinia nemora, maxima vero ex parte caesis ac captis, veloci cursu pergebat vix quinquaginta equitibus comitantibus fracto utroque posteriori pede equi cui insidebat, ita ut maximo cum discrimine suo alterum equum sibi mutare permittebatur, qui si nos in castris suis expectasset, libenter Deo propitio ac fortuna serenissimae maiestatis vestrae cum eo proelium iniissemus, licet habuisse dicatur tria millia hominum cum vvlahis ac plebeis hominibus, insequuti vero sumus eum interceptis ab eo vexillís duobus, tormentis bellicis utpote duobus falconetis, sedecim barbatis ac duobus mortariis, quantum visi potuimus usque ad Sanctum Georgium, qui quidem locus vix distat duobus milliaribus a Castro Walpo vocato, longius enim eum prosequi succumbentes longitudinem itineris equi non permittebant. Inde vero reversi castra eius iterum petentes ad fortalitium, quod ipse bono modo erigere inceperat, pervenimus et quod iam erexerat funditus disiecimus repletis fossis ac combustis universis eo conductis roboribus, hucque iterum omnes salvi et incolumes feliciter traiecto Dravo rediimus laetam reportantes victoriam.

Mittémus porro serenissimae maiestati vestrae vexilla cum turcis et homines nostros, ex quibus postmodum totum negotium eadem uberius intelligere poterit petentes humillime, hoc exiguum munus serenissima maiestas vestra clementi vultu suscipere velit, daturus Deus gratiam, ut prosperitate eiusdem et maiora aliquando mittere valeamus. Equi vero si qui essent pro persona sacratissimae caesareae maiestatis, domini nostri clementissimi vel vero pro serenissima maiestate vestra, eos profecto mittere nequaquam neglexissemus, sunt enim huiusmodi, ut vix iníimae conditionis militi idonei esse videantur, dicuntur enim et apud turcas pronunc in maxima esse penuria.

Ceterum, depopulationem ad partes Posegae per dominum banum factam scio iam ex literis eius serenissimam maiestatem vestram intellexisse et credat eadem, quod ea depopulate partium illarum ac strages illata Arzlan bego maximum terrorem omnibus hisce confiniis incusserit, ita quod non usque adeo validis praesidiis, si aliquae novae gentes huc aceederent, plurimum serenissimae maiestati vestrae inservire et regnis prodesse possemus, si modo mature negotium unanimiter aggrederemur, etiamsi enim istas potiores ac validiores arces expugnare non valeremus, attamen plurima inferiora fortalitia facili opera intercipere possemus.

Postremo, domine clementissime, antea quoque humillime serenissimae maiestati vestrae supplicavi pro praesidio vel ducentorum germanicorum peditum solummodo pro custodia castri huius eiusdem, ita et nunc eidem denuo humillime supplico, si germani fieri non possunt, ut saltem totidem hungaros mihi pro uberiori castri huius praesidio assumere gratia ac voluntate serenissimae maiestatis vestrae liceat.

Gratiosum super his imploro responsum etc.

Datum Zygethii, ultima Mártii anno etc. 62.

Nicolaus comes Zryny

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